So you just have to get rid of them somehow.
Recently, on his website www. Suppose, for example, that Colombia, or China, or many others claimed the right to establish military bases in Mexico to implement their programs to eradicate tobacco in the U.
The death toll overwhelms the lethal effects of other dangerous substances. The idea that outsiders should interfere with U. The fact that it is even regarded as worthy of discussion is yet another illustration of the depth of the imperial mentality, and the abiding truth of the doctrine of Thucydides that the strong do as they wish and the weak suffer as they must — while the intellectual classes spin tales about the nobility of power.
Leading themes of history, to the present day. Despite the outlandish assumptions, let us agree to adopt the imperial mentality that reigns in the West — virtually unchallenged, in fact, not even noticed.
The war has been waged for close to 40 years and intensively for a decade in Colombia. There has been no notable impact on drug use or even street prices. The reasons are reasonably well understood.
A Comparison between Drug Policy as Social Control by Noam Chomsky and Crito by Plato Nicolas Beltran English /Ms. Jackson March 13 While reading “Drug Policy as Social Control” by Noam Chomsky and “Crito” by . Cuba, The Drug War, And The Isolation Of The U.S. By Noam Chomsky May 11, " Information Clearing House " -- Though sidelined by the Secret Service scandal, last month’s Summit of the Americas in Cartagena, Colombia, was an event of considerable significance. On the War on Drugs Noam Chomsky interviewed by Week Online DRCNet, February 8, Week Online: During Sunday’s SuperBowl, the drug czar’s office ran a series of paid ads attempting to link drug use and the “war on terrorism.”.
Studies by official and quasi-official governmental organizations provide good evidence that prevention and treatment are far more effective than forceful measures in reducing drug abuse: The historical record supports these conclusions.
There is ample evidence that changes in cultural attitudes and perceptions have been very effective in curtailing harmful practices. Nevertheless, despite what is known, policy is overwhelmingly directed to the least effective measures, with the support of the doctrinal institutions.
These and other facts leave us with only two credible hypotheses: We can exclude the possibility of collective insanity.
To determine the real reasons we can follow the model of the legal system, which takes predictable outcome to be evidence of intent, particularly when practices persist over a long period and in the face of constant failure to approach the announced objectives. In this case, the predictable outcome is not obscure, both abroad and at home.
Meanwhile, domestic elites and multinationals profit from the forced displacement of peasants and indigenous people, which clears land for mining, agribusiness production and ranching, infrastructure development for industry, and much else.
There is a great deal more to say about this, but I will put it aside. At home, the drug war coincided with the initiation of neoliberal programs, the financialization of the economy, and the attack on government social welfare systems, real, even though limited by international standards.
One immediate consequence of the war on drugs has been the extraordinary growth in scale and severity of incarceration in the past 30 years, placing the U.
The victims are overwhelmingly African-American males and other minorities, a great many of them sentenced on victimless drug charges. Drug use is about the same as in privileged white sectors, which are mostly immune. In short, while abroad the war on drugs is a thin cover for counterinsurgency, at home it functions as a civilized counterpart to Latin America limpieza social cleansing, removing a population that has become superfluous with the dismantling of the domestic productive system in the course of the neo-liberal financialization of the economy.
These processes conform well to the history of prohibition, which has been well studied by legal scholars. These observations hold worldwide, where the topics have been studied.
They have special meaning in the U.
It is, of course, known that slaves were formally freed during the American Civil War, and that after ten years of relative freedom, the gains were mostly obliterated by as Reconstruction was brought to an end.
His work fills out the bare bones with shocking detail, showing how after Reconstruction African-American life was effectively criminalized, so that black males virtually became a permanent slave labor force.
Conditions, however, were far worse than under slavery, for good capitalist reasons. Slaves were property, a capital investment, and were therefore cared for by their masters. Those criminalized for merely existing are similar to wage laborers, in that the masters have no responsibility for them, except to make sure that enough are available.
That was, in fact, one of the arguments used by slave owners to claim that they were more moral than those who hired labor. The argument was understood well enough by northern workers, who regarded wage labor as preferable to literal slavery only in that it was temporary, a position shared by Abraham Lincoln among others.
Criminalized black slavery provided much of the basis for the American industrial revolution of the late 19th and early 20th century. It continued until World War II, when free labor was needed for war industry. During the postwar boom, which relied substantially on the dynamic state sector that had been established under the highly successful semi-command economy of World War II, African-American workers gained a certain degree of freedom for the first time since post-Civil War Reconstruction.
Their report had no detectable impact, just as earlier studies and the historical record have had none."Noam Chomsky: Drug Cartels and the Growing Border War". Interview with Luis Fernando Cárdenas, ashio-midori.com U.S. domestic drug policy does not carry out its stated goals, and policymakers are well aware of that.
that the criminalization of certain substances is a . Unformatted text preview: Borough of Manhattan Community College Drug Policy as Control by Noam Chomsky In the typical Third World society, like Colombia, or Indio, or Mexico, or Egypt— they are all more or less the same—there is a sector of great wealth, enormous wealth, there are large numbers of people who live somewhere between.
Truthout (adapted from a lecture by Noam Chomsky on February 28, in Santa Barbara, CA, sponsored by the Nuclear Age Peace Foundation).
March 3, Prerogatives of Power. On the War on Drugs Noam Chomsky interviewed by Week Online DRCNet, February 8, Week Online: During Sunday’s SuperBowl, the drug czar’s office ran a series of paid ads attempting to link drug use and the “war on terrorism.”. At home, the drug war coincided with the initiation of neoliberal programs, the financialization of the economy, and the attack on government social welfare systems, real, even though limited by .
On the War on Drugs Noam Chomsky interviewed by Week Online DRCNet, February 8, Week Online: During Sunday’s SuperBowl, the drug czar’s office ran a series of paid ads attempting to link drug use and the “war on terrorism.”.